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Dana Frank
May 22, 2012,
June 11, 2012 edition of The Nation
In some ways, it was just one more bloody episode in a
blood-soaked country. In the early hours of the morning on May 11, a group of
indigenous people traveling by canoe on a river in the northeast Mosquitia
region of Honduras came under helicopter fire. When the shooting was over, at
least four persons lay dead, including, by some accounts, two pregnant women.
In Honduras, such grisly violence is no longer out of the ordinary. But what
this incident threw into stark relief was the powerful role the United States
is playing in a Honduran war.
US officials maintain that the Drug Enforcement Administration
commandos on board the helicopters did not fire their weapons that morning;
Honduran policemen pulled the triggers. But no one disputes that US forces were
heavily involved in the raid, and that the helicopters were owned by the US
State Department.
The United States has, in fact, been quietly escalating its
military presence in Honduras, pouring police and military funding into the
regime of President Porfirio Lobo in the name of fighting drugs. The DEA is
using counterinsurgency methods developed in Iraq against drug traffickers in
Honduras, deploying squads of commandos with US military Special Forces
backgrounds to work closely with the Honduran police and military. The US
ambassador to Honduras, Lisa Kubiske, recently said, “We have an opportunity
now, because the military is no longer at war in Iraq. Using the military
funding that won’t be spent, we should be able to have resources to be able to
work here.”
Missing from the official story—never mentioned by US officials,
and left out of mainstream news coverage—is that the US government’s ally in
this campaign, the Lobo regime, is the illegitimate progeny of the military
coup that deposed democratically elected President Manuel Zelaya on June 28,
2009. President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at first
criticized the coup government, led initially by Roberto Micheletti, but then
legitimated it. After almost all the opposition candidates (as well as
international observers) boycotted the post-coup election that brought Lobo to
power, heads of state throughout the region refused to recognize his
presidency; but the United States hailed him for “restoring democracy” and
promoting “national reconciliation.” The State Department and Clinton continue
to repeat both fictions, as did President Obama when he welcomed Lobo to the
White House in October.
 A May Day Sign Declares: "Violence and Impunity Produce Delincuency" Meanwhile, US officials blame drug trafficking for almost all
the country’s problems. “It may be gratifying to attribute Honduras’s problems
to generals with sunglasses or to rigged elections,” former US ambassador to
Honduras James Creagan insisted in a February 5 letter to the New York Times.
“But it is not true. This is not the 1970s with Central American coups, contras
and revolutionaries.” Rather, he asserted, the violence in Honduras “is caused
by drugs, gangs and corruption…all driven by the market for coca leaf
products.”
Only in the post-coup context, however, can we understand the
very real crisis of drug trafficking in Honduras. A vicious drug culture
already existed before the coup, along with gangs and corrupt officials. But
the thoroughgoing criminality of the coup regime opened the door for it to flourish
on an unprecedented scale. Drug trafficking is now embedded in the state
itself—from the cop in the neighborhood all the way up to the very top of the
government, according to high-level sources. Prominent critics and even
government officials, including Marlon Pascua, the defense minister, talk of
“narco-judges” who block prosecutions and “narco-congressmen” who run cartels.
Alfredo Landaverde, a former congressman and police commissioner in charge of
drug investigations, declared that one out of every ten members of Congress is
a drug trafficker and that he had evidence proving “major national and
political figures” were involved in drug trafficking. He was assassinated on
December 7.
Far more than criminal gangs in the streets and drug traffickers
acting independently, it is the Honduran state itself that has made Honduras,
according to the Associated Press, “among the most dangerous places on earth.”
The administration argues that it is helping Honduras clean up
its police by providing additional funding for “training.” But as former
President Zelaya underscored in a conversation with me on May Day, “The police
are the drug traffickers. If you fund the police, you’re funding the drug traffickers.”
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